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Reading Rubicon reminded me that things can keep going in a fractious and impatient state for a long time; but when they go wrong, they go wrong quite quickly.
A Viennese analyst, Langer moved to Spain in the s, during the civil war, to work with the International Brigades in their fight against fascism.
In , she moved to Argentina and established psychoanalysis there, extending its reach to working-class women in Buenos Aires. A particular focus was bringing a psychoanalytic ear to problems of infertility.
She combined a Marxist understanding with psychoanalysis to address the emotional ills of the patients she encountered.
Langer was driven to engage publicly as well as with her patients. As Latin America was riven by civil war, she put together the Internationalist Team of Mental Health Workers who went to Nicaragua to help the efforts of those who were fighting the Somoza dictatorship.
When the regime fell, the Internationalist Team devoted itself to the rebuilding of civil society, training local psychoanalysts to promote mental health from the ground up.
She addressed the phenomenon of frozen grief — the monumental mourning that society and individuals needed to go through but found so hard.
In this sense she was presaging the widespread acceptance of the effects of trauma and post-traumatic stress disorder. For inspiration, read her and her brilliant biographer, Nancy Caro Hollander.
Since the small hours of 24 June, my thoughts have kept turning back to Focusing mainly on Southwark and its south London environs, Collins painstakingly but vividly gives us the case for the defence.
Specifically, he considers two fundamental developments. The loss of community was almost total, while the new built environment was all too often brutal, inhuman and alienating.
The other development was large-scale immigration from the mids. Collins sees this as an understandable reaction. Over the years, the Southwark working class had tolerated a manageable number of strangers in their midst — but now they found themselves at the sharp end in terms of employment, school and housing implications.
It remains, though, an indispensable slice of contemporary history. The effect was the breakup of the global order. The trigger was the Royal Naval mutiny at Invergordon.
The instigator was Fred Copeman. As the men argued about whether to stay ashore or march on Glasgow, Copeman — with no political experience — found himself thrust to the top of a ladder to speak.
Whatever we do, everybody must be in it. There must be no question of splitting one section from another. The marines must enter this fight with us at the beginning.
They returned to their ships and took control, paralysing the Atlantic fleet, which had been assembled for manoeuvres.
Long out of print, his account of the s moves from naval unrest, via the hunger marches and riots that greeted the Depression, to Spain where he eventually commanded the British battalion of the international brigades, and on to Moscow.
It was here that, on the eve of the war, Copeman witnessed the brutality and inequality of Soviet rule and, on return, promptly quit the Communist party.
His account of blundering into the second day of the battle of Jarama in , in command of six Russian-built machine guns for which there was no ammunition, condenses the misery and elation of warfare into a few pages.
Unfortunately, Brexit may be just one episode in a rerun of global chaos. It is hard, watching Louisiana cops teargas black protesters, and Syrian refugees herded behind razor wire, to believe the current levels of disorder and brutality in the world will simply die back down to normality.
She meant the breakup of global systems and the rise of racist populism. All they had to draw on were the same basic principles of human decency that guide Copeman.
Recent months have been almost dystopian, revealing a neglected, divided kingdom along lines of wealth, geography and generation.
Political and financial elites are watching their holiday homes if not their principal residences burning down with far greater cost to their poorer neighbours.
The fire-starters have no plan for reconstruction and our media has not served us well. They tell us what they think we would want to hear.
While it is an unashamedly political novel, its message of hope comes from the central love story between two characters on opposite sides of the racial divide.
I was wondering why, after a lifetime of being on the losing side of politics, Brexit felt like such a spectacular failure.
Given its cultural richness, from Chaucer to modern music, could the English adopt a less aggressive form of nationalism rooted in art, culture and science rather than military conquest and domination?
Dear Rafe, Many apologies for the long delay in my reply. I agree with a lot of this, very many of the English are at a loss and feel this acutely given the loss of Empire.
It is mixed up with Britishness, they still see themselves at 'Great British' so the fact that Scotland has a parliament and is getting 'uppity' rubs salt into the wound.
There is a great deal of projection of discontent onto the EU. Can there be a rebirth? Yes, I will argue there can be. But it will mean becoming European It's not quite true that the Left has been silent.
Blue Labour, which I broadly support, has expressed views. On Empire, I am sceptical of your view that the English are at a loss because of its absence.
On the contrary, the English seem to be quite secure in their identity. On Europe I do not feel one whit less European due to Brexit.
I am genuinely puzzled why anyone should feel otherwise. Europe is a civilisational, not a political, identity,. OK, well I will take on these points in the book.
The left talks a lot to be sure, but are its many voices being heard - speaking in a way that is not heard is a form of being silent.
The English are secure in their identity? Being European, or anything else, is not just about feeling. Important though this is. Institutions are more important.
Europe is also a political identity, how could it not be? Thanks for your questions, all very to the point. Will your book allude to the persistent class divides pervading Englishness?
To governance which talks about 'social mobility' while pursuing policies which impede it? To the propaganda of 'equal opportunity' when we have nearly the highest inequality in the developed world?
To housing, where now a majority of the population are the tenants of a property-owning oligarchy which regards them only as an investment income stream?
To the planning system which sees landowners walk away with fold increases in wealth as housing sites are designated?
To the communities living with Assured Shorthold Tenancies and no security of a roof over their heads in months' time? I believe these are all part of the failed society of Britain.
Is the EU a scapegoat for the discontent and hopelessness arising from this failure? Will leaving the EU remedy matters? If not, what will?
Sorry, rather a lot of questions!! These are very good questions! There is something about the deep inequalities of English society that is now being questioned more widely.
Whereas many were being brought into the country's wealth, they are now being actively excluded while the rich get even richer.
Your example about the staggering fortune that can come from land-ownership highlights this. And the intensity of this inequity is recent.
It is also unacceptable. Was Brexit a protest against it? Can it lead to a reversal? I'm going to ask this for sure, and attempt an answer.
Having joined in the collective sponsorship of this book partly on the grounds that this method of publishing would help to get it published urgently, and having now received my hardback copy and begun to read it, I wondered if there was still to be a special launch event and, if so, if there might be any provisional date of this?
Hi Graham, thank you! The book is officially published on 24 August and launch events are being discussed for September. You got your hardback copy early.
If you sponsored the event with Suzanne Moore and Caroline Lucas you will certainly be invited. No provision dates yet!
Dear Antony Thanks for your helpful reply One other question - I want to send a copy of your book to a friend What is the mechanism for ordering further copies?
I can't see this information - is the book available through bookshops now? The hardback is a special edition exclusively for subscribers.
Find out how to enable it. Rewards Digital pledges E-book edition. From the writer and co-founder of openDemocracy, a forensic and sweeping polemic The Lure of Greatness: Breaches of trust This history gives Barnett a unique perspective now.
A dazzling, all-encompassing, big picture analysis.. Thursday, 21 September We have made a video to get out word of the book.
Close to and Grenfell Tower feels alive Why is she Frit? The headline reason for Theresa May's 'cut and run' general election does not convince.
Greatness rebranded as 'Global' Wednesday, 18 January Hi everyone, I have published a quick analysis of the domestic significance of the speech the Prime Minister gave yesterday.
John Berger Wednesday, 4 January John Berger was a close and important friend and sometimes collaborator. Brexit has killed the Sovereignty of Parliament Monday, 5 December As the UK's Supreme Court gathers to consider whether the government can trigger Article 50 and start the process of leaving the EU using its royal prerogative power, or whether only parliament can do this, I have look at what is really going on.
The Lure of Greatness: A Choice of Violence: The press as a despotic monarchy Monday, 7 November openDemocracy asked me to respond to the High Court judgement that Parliament not the government must authorise triggering Article 50 to take the UK out of the EU.
What kind of Tory is Theresa May? She has driven her predecessor…. Was Cameron just bad at being Machiavellian? Or is something new taking place?
Dear Graham, Thank you. Sign up to our newsletters Sign up to our newsletters to hear about brand new books and exclusive updates Sign me up.
About us How it works Contact us Jobs. Boundless Reading club View our Catalogue Publishers. That is the part that is in our gift. And the challenges this presents, in terms of lack of commercial certainty, and business disruption, is clear from my speaking to senior leaders in regulated firms.
Needless to say, we think this is necessary to provide certainty and smooth the transition, and it is something we stand ready to discuss with our EU counterparts.
Throughout this work, with consumer protection at the front of our minds, we have engaged with the FCA Consumer Panel and other bodies to ascertain their concerns and respond to them accordingly.
As part of the onshored legislation, we are seeking to maximise continuity for consumers to the extent possible. The temporary permissions regime will work to remove any interruption of service to consumers of EEA firms.
And this leads me on to our expectations of regulated firms in their preparation for March and beyond. We intend to continue to work closely with you on this, including providing guidance to you where we can.
Firms need to maintain threshold conditions and our rules throughout — I thought it would be helpful to set out some of the areas we have been discussing with firms so far: If you are expanding your presence in Europe, the structures you put in place must enable us to supervise your UK business effectively, and ensure that you continue to meet our threshold conditions; Just as you are making preparations, have you checked that your supply chains are similarly prepared?
We regulate 58, firms. My observation from my engagement with firms, our Panels, and industry groups is that overall, many firms are advanced in their contingency planning.
I would now like to turn to our future vision for the longer term. Future vision We face challenges in the short term — but the fundamentals are strong for us to continue to have a close relationship with our EU counterparts over the long run.
At day one, our regimes will be equivalent. Our markets will remain highly integrated whatever the outcome of Brexit, and we think working to promote common global standards, alongside our work to onshore a rulebook that is equivalent to the EU on day one, provides a solid basis for cross border business to take place.
It is of course for the Government to negotiate — but we have been clear about the sort of arrangements on financial services that we believe are possible, and desirable, to maximise market access and benefits to consumers in the UK and EU.
These include the five principles of: But it is likely that after our exit from the EU, our regulatory frameworks may evolve. So we need to find a way to ensure that despite such evolution, frameworks allow delivery of common outcomes.
What matters more is not what road we take, but what that final destination is — and as long as the UK and the EU maintain a commitment to protecting consumers and to strong, open markets, there is no reason this cannot work in practice.
This is a clearly achievable aim. Not least because it is overwhelmingly in the interests of both the UK and EU: We hope that we can see progress on this in the very near future.
The Government last week published its White Paper on the future relationship with the EU, laying out the main elements of the UK position.
The financial services chapter proposes: At the supervisory level, we have deep relationships with our European counterparts, including information sharing — for example, in an average month we route around million transaction reports to other National Competent Authorities in the EU.
We cooperate on common challenges through ESMA and the other European Supervisory Authorities and we work closely on policy issues — hence the common rulebooks we have today.
Whilst we will no longer be a member of the EU, we are committed to keeping our relationships as close as possible. Global Influence Part of the new relationship will depend on how the FCA interacts with the rest of the world.
Now, in our preparations, we have started discussions with regulators around the world on our Memoranda of Understanding, agreements that underpin third country equivalence, access and information sharing.
More broadly, we have always played an active role in developing the global standards that we have today.
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